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Opinionator | Private Lives: Mice and Mothers

Written By Unknown on Kamis, 01 Mei 2014 | 13.25

Private Lives: Personal essays on the news of the world and the news of our lives.

The needle penetrated my latex glove and slipped into the soft skin of my finger. It was quick and painless. I was in the animal lab of Children's Hospital Los Angeles, buried under Sunset Boulevard. Despite the thousands of mice within, the lab was peaceful. I was alone.

In front of me, in a vented, pressurized hood, lay a small white sleeping mouse. It wore a tiny plastic mask around its nose, which pumped in anesthetic. But the drug wasn't working well enough. I was about to inject the mouse with an unusually aggressive strain of H.I.V., taken from the spinal fluid of a young man who succumbed quickly to AIDS and made more deadly in the lab, when the mouse suddenly jerked. I stuck myself with the needle instead.

This was six years ago, the third year of my doctoral studies. I hadn't lived in Southern California long. Los Angeles didn't feel like my city. It still belonged to my mom. Four years earlier, only a few miles away from the lab, my mom had killed herself. When the mother you love decides to leave you, in the most final way a person can, it changes you forever. She didn't have to die. But she did.

A suicide turns you into a meticulous researcher. I have spent hours, weeks, perhaps months of my life repeating the exact words of our last phone conversation. I have agonized over her final days, analyzed her receipts, re-enacted her last meal, worn her jewelry and even emailed her high school boyfriend. Few other deaths can lead family members to this level of detailed personal research. Every book will tell you: You can never know why. But the only thing that's important is understanding why. The path is a circle.

After my research I came to a definite conclusion. I was a terrible person. I was responsible for my mother's death. There seemed to be only one solution: Become a scientist. Like millions of sinners before me, I chose redemption. Science offers the promise of reason. It answers the question that haunted me every day: Why?

I had always loved biology but wasn't so sure about graduate school. With my mom's death I was suddenly alone in the world and desperate to make amends. It was this semi-delusional state that led me to the Ph.D. program, made me fall in love with molecular biology, and ultimately put an H.I.V.-laced needle in my hand.

I looked at the little mouse in front of me. How could I have done something so foolish? No one was supposed to do this risky procedure alone. I knew what I was supposed to do next — I had written the safety procedure myself. I should call for help and then begin washing the wound, taking my time to prevent infection. But what about the mouse, and its littermates still waiting in their cage? They were all under anesthetic, and if I left their masks on for too long, they would die.

Most accidental needle sticks occurring in a hospital don't result in an infection. But inside the needle that stuck my finger was a highly concentrated virus designed to overwhelm and take over the body. I needed antiviral therapy immediately, within the hour, to reduce my chance of being infected. And yet I did nothing.

Instead, I returned to the procedure. I prepared another needle, gave the mouse the deadly dose and stopped the anesthesia. Tenderly, I placed the mouse back in its cage, then watched to make sure the drug wore off.

Only after repeating the procedure with each mouse and cleaning the work station did I allow myself to break down. I washed my shaking hands for 15 minutes, the minutes seemingly stretching into eternity. As I scrubbed the iodine soap into the tiny wound, a few tears fell on my cheeks. I willed myself to stop, to be calm. And then, before the hour was up, I walked into my academic adviser's office and told her what had happened.

After a month of antiretroviral medication, I found I was lucky. I didn't get H.I.V. The mice were not so lucky. As Steinbeck wrote, "Trouble with mice is you always kill 'em." Except in science you don't say kill. You say sacrifice. Usually it's abbreviated to "sac" as in "I sac'd the mice." I had loved those mice, cared for them from birth to death. But I had also injected them with millions of human stem cells, and then with a virus that had killed an estimated 36 million humans.

When I sacrificed them it made way for a new way of treating H.I.V. That strategy, using a gene therapy to cure the disease, is now being pursued in human clinical trials. Perhaps it will someday be worth it and the brief, brutish lives of those mice will save many humans.

Whether you're speaking of mice or mothers, when you love someone you want to understand their death. There needs to be a reason. I will never know why my mom had to die. Perhaps that's why I tried to give meaning to the lives of those mice. I just hope that they didn't suffer. I hope none of us do.


Nathalia Holt is the author of "Cured: How the Berlin Patients Defeated HIV and Forever Changed Medical Science."


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Can ‘Voluntourism’ Make a Difference?

Written By Unknown on Rabu, 30 April 2014 | 13.25

Introduction

DESCRIPTIONAndré da Loba

Many travelers from rich Western countries spend time volunteering around the world, but some argue that this "voluntourism" ends up doing more harm than actually helping communities in need.

As students, retirees and others head abroad this summer in search of experiences volunteering, are they really looking to help others or just themselves?

Read the Discussion »
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Room for Debate: Can 'Voluntourism' Make a Difference?

Introduction

DESCRIPTIONAndré da Loba

Many travelers from rich Western countries spend time volunteering around the world, but some argue that this "voluntourism" ends up doing more harm than actually helping communities in need.

As students, retirees and others head abroad this summer in search of experiences volunteering, are they really looking to help others or just themselves?

Read the Discussion »
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Opinionator | Private Lives: A Return to Nigeria

Written By Unknown on Kamis, 24 April 2014 | 13.25

Private Lives: Personal essays on the news of the world and the news of our lives.

When I was 7 years old my father bought me a Bag of Laughs. It was the early 1980s and, as with most every school morning in Lagos, Nigeria, we were stuck in traffic. My father was at the wheel, listening to Bob Marley on the eight-track. I sat in the back, staring at the street peddlers walking in between lanes jostling can openers, batteries and other random items at car windows.

A boy, older than me but still young enough that he should have been in school, dangled a toy outside my window. It was a yellow cloth bag cinched at the top with a picture on one side of a cartoonish open mouth laughing madly. Inside the bag was a little battery-operated mechanism. If you pressed a button, the bag shook violently and made uproarious sounds like a guffawing crowd. My father slipped a few naira notes through a crack in the window in exchange for the toy. Sitting there behind my parents, I pushed the button over and over again, grinning endlessly at the obnoxious crowd contained in my little hands.

Until recently, that Bag of Laughs was one of the few memories that popped up whenever I tried to think positively about Nigeria, the country of my ancestors.

I was born in New York City and lived in Nigeria only between the ages of 7 and 9. That's when my mother left my father, taking my younger sister and me to live in Ivory Coast, then England and finally the United States. We were not raised to imagine ourselves as woven into the fabric of Nigeria, let alone as lovers of it. As children our parents always spoke to us in English, reserving our indigenous language, Igbo, for the secrets that passed between adults over our ears.

Coming of age in foreign classrooms, my sister and I slowly shed our native skins. We let teachers mangle our names, then adopted their mispronunciations — introducing ourselves with syllables our own relatives tripped over.

At home we caught snippets of phone conversations between our parents and relatives still living in Nigeria. "So and so's house has been attacked by armed robbers." "The police do not do anything. Some of them are even in on it." "You can't trust anyone." "There's no hope for this country." As the years turned into decades, Nigeria saw economic struggles, the rise of email scammers and Boko Haram, a terrorist group. Whatever childhood memories of birthday parties and schoolyard antics we had treasured were soon dulled by these new testimonies. Before too long we began to dislike and to fear our home country, to expect nothing but the worst from Nigerians. It most likely would have stayed that way, if not for my father's sudden death.

When I was 29 my father died back in Nigeria, within weeks of a cancer diagnosis. My older brother, then living in New York City, and I left the States to go back and bury him. In accordance with Igbo custom we had to bury him in his ancestral village of Akunwanta in southeastern Nigeria. So we flew into Enugu Airport, drove the two hours to Arondizuogu, and then down a red clay road to the enclave bearing our family name, Akunwanta village.

Akunwanta is the piece of land to which I can trace my paternal ancestry as far back as possible. It is the second part of a hyphenated last name I do not use. There was the dust from which my father came and the dust to which he was returning. I was returning. Suddenly, my life in the United States seemed like a storybook, so far away it didn't seem tangible.

After that, I couldn't get Nigeria out of my mind. I couldn't stop thinking about the fact that there was a land and a people that rightfully claimed me. Choosing to ignore that seemed oddly irresponsible in light of the genuine plight of illegal immigrants here in America and across the globe, who reluctantly left their countries out of financial desperation. It seemed oddly disrespectful in light of the growing number of refugees who fled their countries because of war. And it seemed oddly confusing as a black woman to choose as my home a country with such a deep-seated history of prejudice and injustice toward minorities.

I started to imagine what it would be like to live in a place where you did not have to explain some aspect of your identity on a daily basis, where you did not have to offer people a reason, no matter how subtle, for why you were among them.

When I am in Nigeria, my name alone places me in recognizable context. A few years after my father's funeral, I started going back to Nigeria for weeks and then months at a time, writing and working from there. I let myself be wooed by the little ordinary things: the bath towel sun-soaked warm through mosquito-netted windows; eating pineapples in season, cut round and sweet; the way women sway in form-fitting long printed Ankara skirts going to work or market.

Each time I boarded the plane to return to the States it was with a surprising hint of sadness. I became increasingly uncertain about what I was really going back to. Sure, there was the reliable infrastructure of basic necessities like electricity and medical care. Yet, back in Nigeria, I had the irreplaceable experience of feeling connected to an untapped part of myself. I was gaining insight into my ancestral and communal identity as a Nigerian, as an Igbo woman.

At some point I started entertaining the idea of moving back. Maybe just to try it for a few years. I spoke of it tentatively, trying to gauge reactions from friends and family. My mother considered it a miracle. My siblings were stunned, wondering why I'd leave for a country rife with corruption and ethno-religious factions. And I had my own concerns. What if I'd been away too long for Nigeria to ever really feel like home? Could I actually make a difference in the development of my country, or would I be just one more returnee, in for a rude awakening and endless frustrations? In my less introspective moments I simply wondered how I could give up my regular jaunts to Whole Foods and Trader Joe's.

My questions were endless. But so was my desire to know the country that claimed me. So, finally, I bought a one-way ticket for this summer. I am moving to Nigeria. I say it aloud, mostly to myself. And I laugh at the surprise of it.

On my most recent visit, approaching Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, I looked out the plane's window at the clusters of dry green bushes and the expanse of clay earth. The large mound of Aso Rock loomed in the background. I descended and walked to the line for those holding Nigerian passports. I no longer anticipated an airport official trying to redirect me to the line for visitors, those with visas, those who are not from this country. The passport control officers rarely change, and they remembered me now.

The man in the tan uniform flipped through the pages of my green passport and looked up at me. "My beautiful sister, you have returned."

"Yes, ooo" I said.

"How was your journey? Did you bring me something?" He teased.

"It was well. Not this time, Oga." I greeted him playfully but with respect.

"Oya," he stamped the page and slipped my passport back to me. "You are welcome home."


Enuma Okoro, the author of the spiritual memoir "Reluctant Pilgrim," is a public speaker and communications consultant.


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Room for Debate: Passport Diplomacy

Written By Unknown on Rabu, 23 April 2014 | 13.26

The Supreme Court on Monday agreed to consider the constitutionality of a law that lets citizens born in Jerusalem list Israel as their place of birth on passports. The case was brought by the parents of a boy born there in 2002, not long after the law was enacted over President George W. Bush's objections that it interfered with the president's authority to conduct foreign policy. The Obama administration takes the same view, asserting that the status of Jerusalem should be negotiated by Palestinians and Israelis.

When is Congress justified in overriding the president's foreign policy wishes? And when should it back away?

Read the Discussion »
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Room for Debate: Conflict Spreads in Central Africa

Written By Unknown on Senin, 21 April 2014 | 13.26

  • Doug Bandow

    Blurring the Typical Boundaries

    Doug Bandow, Cato Institute

    Religion is one force capable of transcending normal political and ethnic differences.

  • Mausi Segun

    Local Issues Fuel Turmoil

    Mausi Segun, Human Rights Watch

    The violence has less to do with religion than with decades of corruption, underdevelopment, and conflicts over land in a changing climate.

  • Michael Jarvis K. Bokor

    A Greater Problem in Nigeria

    Michael Jarvis K. Bokor, English professor and blogger

    As Boko Haram grows bolder, it will likely find allies, and establish cells, among disgruntled Muslims in other countries.

  • Louisa Lombard

    Religious Rhetoric as a Cover

    Louisa Lombard, geographer

    The scale of conflict is indicative of how national wars provide opportunities for more localized score-settling.

  • Ebenezer Obadare

    Religion Is a Factor, but Not the Root Cause

    Ebenezer Obadare, sociologist

    Under the religious rage are grievances about corruption and official impunity, primitive infrastructure, and a lack of social mobility.

  • David Cook

    Border Crossings Help Group Gain Strength

    David Cook, professor of religious studies

    Bases close to Cameroon, and recruits over the border, make Boko Haram harder to fight.


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    Opinionator: Passover in the Confederacy

    Written By Unknown on Jumat, 18 April 2014 | 13.25

    Disunion follows the Civil War as it unfolded.

    For at least one night each spring during the Civil War, in places like Louisiana and South Carolina and Georgia and Virginia, Confederate Jews commemorated how God freed the children of Israel from slavery. They retold the story of when God is said to have sent down 10 plagues to help free the Hebrews from their bondage, the last of which was the slaying of all Egyptians' firstborn children, and how the Jews marked their door posts with the blood of a slaughtered lamb so the Angel of Death would know to "pass over" them. Thus, they celebrated their liberation more than 3,000 years ago from slavery in ancient Egypt, and their exodus.

    Some of those commemorating Passover may have gathered with their families around a dinner table partaking in a Seder — possibly served by slaves. Many others were on the battlefield, holding impromptu Seders or simply noting the special night for a moment in their minds as they focused on fighting for their home states — Southern slave states.

    For many American Jews today, particularly those descended from immigrants coming through Northeast corridors in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the idea that Confederate Jews fought on the side of slavery offends their entire worldview, rooted so deeply in social justice. Even the idea of there being so many Jews in the American South, decades before Ellis Island opened its gates, is a strange idea.

    But just as Robert E. Lee, an Army officer for 32 years, sided with his home state of Virginia against the federal government, many Jews found a homeland in Dixie over the centuries and decided they could not take up arms against it. To them, after all they'd suffered and fled throughout the ages, the South was their new motherland, the land of milk and honey (and cotton), and it was worth fighting for. "This land has been good to all of us," one Jewish-German Southerner wrote. "I shall fight to my last breath."

    Hailing first from Spain and Portugal as early as 1695, then later from England, Germany and the Caribbean islands, and even later from Poland, Hungary and Russia, one-fifth of all United States Jews settled in the South before the 20th century. In 1800, Charleston, S.C. — whose 1790 state constitution guaranteed freedom of religion — was home to the largest Jewish community in America; by 1861, a third of all Jews in the South resided in Louisiana.

    These Jews arrived fleeing tyrannical governments and centuries of expulsion, massacres and all manner of restrictions on personal liberty. Coming to America and finding Dixie — where they were respected as citizens and allowed to vote, own property and live as they chose — was a blessing. They set up as peddlers and shop owners, artisans and innkeepers, shoemakers and tailors, salesmen and farmers. Some became businessmen and bankers, lawyers and physicians.

    Others became politicians, some quite prominent. At the start of the war, Judah P. Benjamin was one of Louisiana's senators, and the second senator of Jewish descent in American history (after David Yulee of Florida); he became the Confederacy's attorney general and chief of espionage operations, and later secretary of war and secretary of state. In the waning days of the Confederacy, he argued for freeing the slaves to enlist them to fight for the South. Benjamin's cousin, Henry M. Hyams, served as Louisiana's lieutenant governor during the war. After the war Benjamin Franklin Jonas, a former Confederate soldier, became the third Jew in the Senate.

    Jews left their mark on the South in other ways. A Jew named Manasseh was a popular innkeeper in the 1700s in Virginia, and he is believed to have been immortalized in the name of his location, Manasseh's Gap — known now as simply the famous Manassas, the site of the first major battle of the war. Moses Ezekiel, a Richmond-born Jew and highly decorated Confederate soldier, later became the world-renowned sculptor who crafted the ornate Confederate Monument that graces Jackson Circle at Arlington National Cemetery. He is buried there, among his fellow rebels, under the inscription "in simple obedience to duty as they understood it." In all, approximately 3,000 first-, second- and third-generation American Jews fought for the Confederacy. (About 7,000 fought for the Union.)

    While the South, like everywhere else, did exhibit anti-Semitism, many Southern Jews felt the North was more deeply anti-Semitic. Popular Northern newspapers denigrated Jews; Harper's Weekly said that all Jews were secessionists, copperheads and rebels. Other papers blamed the Jews for destroying the national credit. Union general Ulysses S. Grant exhibited the greatest bigotry of all when he issued General Orders No. 11 in December 1862, "the most sweeping anti-Jewish regulation in all of American history," according to Rabbi Bertram W. Korn The orders called for the expulsion of all Jews within 24 hours from Grant's territory at the time, which included parts of Kentucky, Tennessee and Mississippi.

    Grant and his men believed Jews were solely responsible for the common practice of illegal trade with the enemy – a forbidden but economically necessary practice. Some Jews did engage in such illicit commerce, but so did a lot of people on both sides. To add to the offensiveness of the order, Union soldiers forced Jews from their homes, confiscated their possessions, denied them rail transportation even as they were being evicted from their towns, revoked trade licenses and imprisoned them. A few weeks later, when Lincoln found out about the order, he revoked it — "I do not like to hear a class or nationality condemned on account of a few sinners," he said.

    In the South, Jews lived as everyone lived, and many Southern Jews accepted – alongside their co-regionalists – the institution of slavery. "Jews in America are very much a part of the American political landscape of their time; they're not necessarily different," says Lance J. Sussman, the senior rabbi at Reform Congregation Keneseth Israel in Elkins Park, Pa., and a visiting professor of American Jewish history at Princeton. "They are often chameleon-like. Southern Jews and many Northern Jews had no issue with slavery."

    That said, Jewish opinions on slavery were not exclusively regional. New York's Morris Raphall, the leading American rabbi of the period, shocked many Jews and non-Jews by defending slavery on biblical grounds, saying in 1861 that "slavery has existed since earliest times," that "slaveholding is no sin," that "slave property is expressly placed under the protection of the Ten Commandments" and that the reason Africans were slaves in America was because that's what God wanted for them. In contrast, Rabbi David Einhorn of Baltimore — in the slave state of Maryland — argued against every one of Raphall's biblical claims. (His congregants did not agree, and he was forced to flee to Philadelphia.)

    And like many Southerners, Confederate Jews who joined the rebel army did so for a number of reasons. "Most Jewish Johnny Rebs, like their fellow countrymen, believed they were fighting for their own liberty and in defense of their homes," wrote Robert Rosen in his book "The Jewish Confederates." At the same time, a strong element in the decision to fight for the Confederacy was simply that everyone else around them was doing it. Records show that 75 to 85 percent of all young white males in the South served in the military.

    Related
    Disunion Highlights

    Fort Sumter

    Explore multimedia from the series and navigate through past posts, as well as photos and articles from the Times archive.

    Still, the idea of Jews fighting or rooting for the South is bewildering to many Jews today, especially those descended from Russian Socialists who came to America with ideas of class and economic equality and who identified with blacks and other excluded groups. According to Rabbi Sussman, the Civil War was the turning point for Jews in coming to see that slavery was wrong and based in racism, and the experience put the modern American Jew on a path of advocating for and supporting civil rights and empowerment for all people. "For thousands of years of history, nobody believed that valuing a human being as a commodity was inherently wrong," he said.

    The Passover narrative, he adds, didn't become an abolitionist-related story until after World War II and the Civil Rights era. "Originally, Passover was theological. It's about redemption and the power of God. It's not really about setting human beings free in a universal way. The text says that God frees the Hebrew slaves because God loves the Hebrews. God doesn't free all slaves for all of humanity or send Moses out to become the William Lloyd Garrison of the ancient free world."

    In viewing the past from the mind-set of the present, I couldn't help wondering whether some Jewish Johnny Rebs believed another Jewish holiday — Yom Kippur, the Day of Atonement — was their redemption for fighting on the wrong side of history. On Yom Kippur, Jews typically spend the day fasting, engaged in prayer, asking God and fellow man for forgiveness for wrongs they committed against them. But I'm probably wrong. According to Rabbi Sussman, the Jewish Confederates "felt they had nothing to atone for. In terms of the hierarchy of values in the modern world, antebellum southern Jews prioritized their beliefs the way everyone else around them did and rallied to their flag."

    On Aug. 23, 1861, Rabbi Max Michelbacher of Richmond, Va., who wrote a "Prayer for the Confederacy," which was distributed to all Jewish Confederate soldiers, asked General Lee to grant a furlough for the Jewish soldiers to attend synagogue for the High Holy Days. Because of the exigencies of war, Lee declined, but his response to Michelbacher eloquently illustrates the way that ecumenical regionalism overshadowed any sense of religious difference between the two men: "I feel assured that neither you or any member of the Jewish congregation would wish to jeopardize a cause you have so much at heart." In closing, he added: "That your prayers for the success & welfare of our Cause may be granted by the Great Ruler of the universe is my ardent wish."

    Follow Disunion at twitter.com/NYTcivilwar or join us on Facebook.


    Sources: Eli N. Evans, "Preface," in Theodore Rosengarten and Dale Rosengarten, eds."A Portion of the People"; "A Civil War Seder," in Heritage: The Magazine of The American Jewish Historical Society. Winter 2002; Bertram Wallace Korn. "American Jewry and the Civil War"; Letters from Robert E. Lee to Rev. Max Michelbacher of Richmond, Va., congregation "Beth Ahabah," August 29, 1861; Rabbi Max Michelbacher, Prayer for the Confederacy; National Center for Jewish Film, "Jewish Soldiers in Blue and Gray"; "Passages Through the Fire: Jews and the Civil War," Exhibit at the Jewish Museum of Maryland. 2013-2014; Robert N. Rosen, "The Jewish Confederates"; Rosen, "Jewish Confederates." Heritage: The Magazine of The American Jewish Historical Society, Winter 2002; Jonathan D. Sarna, "When General Grant Expelled the Jews"; Interview with Rabbi Lance J. Sussman, Jan. 16, 2014; The American-Israeli Cooperative Enterprise, Judaic Treasures of The Library of Congress: Three Views of Slavery and Secession.

    is the author of the forthcoming book "Shenandoah: A Story of Conservation and Betrayal." She gives special thanks to Rabbi Lance J. Sussman for his assistance.


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    Taking Note: The Birth of a Conspiracy Theory

    Written By Unknown on Kamis, 17 April 2014 | 13.26

    If you spend enough time on the Internet you'll eventually encounter a conspiracy theory. If you watch closely enough, sometimes you can actually see one being born.

    For years now some on the right have speculated that the Obama administration is trying to politicize the national census. Yesterday, Noah Rothman argued on Mediaite that the theory was proven correct by a New York Times article about changes in the way the Census Bureau plans to ask about health insurance coverage.

    The idea is that the new questions will show a reduction in the number of uninsured people starting in 2014, which may make it seem as though the Affordable Care Act is working better than it really is. The change in questions will also produce a "break in trend" within the census surveys and thus make it impossible to statistically compare 2013 and 2014 with earlier years.

    Therefore, the White House must have ordered this sinister change to promote President Obama's signature domestic initiative.

    But the article that Mr. Rothman cites, by Robert Pear, doesn't support the theory. Mr. Pear reports that census statisticians had been trying to change the questions about health insurance for more than a decade (in other words, before Mr. Obama was president) because … wait for it … the old questions were not accurate:

    "When asked about their insurance arrangements in the prior year, people tended to give answers about their coverage at the time of the interview — forgetting, for example, if they had Medicaid for a few months early in the prior year. People are continually moving on and off Medicaid rolls. The number of people who say in surveys that they have Medicaid coverage is almost always lower than the enrollment figures reported by federal and state agencies that administer the program."

    Mr. Pear also explained that the new questions were designed to produce more precise information on respondents' coverage. "The new survey asks people if they have coverage through an exchange, if it has premiums and if the premiums are subsidized"— because consumers often conflate Medicaid with subsidized private insurance.

    Heinous! An outrage!


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    Taking Note: India Won’t Use Nuclear Weapons First

    Written By Unknown on Selasa, 15 April 2014 | 13.26

    India's Bharatiya Janata Party, the presumed front-runner to lead the next government, has clarified its stated plan to "revise and update" the country's nuclear weapons doctrine.

    BJP President Rajnath Singh told the Hindustan Times in an interview published Monday that the party has no intention of reversing the "no first use" policy that was adopted in 1991 when it was previously in power. As the title suggests, the policy commits India not to use nuclear weapons first in a conflict. Abandoning "no first use" would undoubtedly exacerbate tensions with China, which subscribes to "no first use," and Pakistan, which does not.

    Now the BJP needs to go further and explain in detail to Indians, and the world, exactly what elements of the nuclear doctrine it does plan to alter. If the BJP wins the election that began on April 7, Narendra Modi, a Hindu nationalist, is expected to be the next prime minister and pursue a more muscular foreign policy.

    As we editorialized on April 9, instead of abandoning the "no first use" doctrine, whoever wins the election would do better to improve ties with Pakistan and start an arms control initiative that could lead to regional equilibrium on these dangerous weapons.


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    Room for Debate: DNA and Insurance, Fate and Risk

    As costs for DNA sequencing drop, hundreds of thousands of Americans are undergoing the procedure to see if they are at risk for inherited diseases. But while federal law bars employers and health insurers from seeking the results, insurers can still use them in all but three states when considering applications for life, disability and long-term care coverage.

    Should insurance companies be barred from seeing genetic information when considering those policies so people can get the tests without fear that the results would be used against them?

    Read the Discussion »
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