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Taking Note: Keep Handguns Away From Teenagers

Written By Unknown on Sabtu, 31 Mei 2014 | 13.26

In response to the Isla Vista rampage, legislators in California are introducing a bill that would let the police and private individuals ask a court for a restraining order to deny guns to those who pose a threat to themselves or others.

The bill would be an advance in gun-control legislation. Before now, the notion of gun restraining orders had mainly captured the attention of mental health experts and academic researchers, but not legislators.

Still, there is another step California has already taken to keep guns out of the wrong hands that should be emulated elsewhere: setting the age to buy and to own a handgun at 21.

Currently, federal law and most states  let 18-year-olds purchase and own handguns. That flies in the face of research and common sense.  Studies have documented the prevalence of heightened risk-taking among teenagers.  Statistics show  that homicide rates rise in the late teens and peak at age 20. A Justice Department study from 2012 found that many young gun offenders incarcerated in states with the weakest gun control laws would have faced bans on gun ownership in states with the strongest controls.

Raising the handgun ownership age would not apply to rifles and shotguns, and would not prohibit parents and children from going hunting together with a long gun. (Most of the states that limit handgun sales to those 21 and older allow 18-year-olds to buy and possess long guns.) Handguns, however, are the weapon most often used in gun shootings and deaths.

Pro-gun lobbyists will invariably point out that rampages like the one in Isla Vista have been committed by people over the age of 21. That is willfully off-point: The idea that gun control shouldn't respond to obvious gun dangers because they didn't play a central role in a particular crime amounts to fatal abdication of adult responsibility.

They also say that setting the age at 21 for handguns, as California, New York, New Jersey, and 10 other states have done, punishes law-abiding 18- to 20-year-olds for the transgressions of the few. But all 50 states have set the drinking age at 21 out of concern for increased risk-taking by teens and the threat that poses to them and the public. The same concern applies to gun ownership, and the solution is the same. Raise the legal age for handguns to 21 in every state.


13.26 | 0 komentar | Read More

Room for Debate: Can Therapists Prevent Violence?

Written By Unknown on Jumat, 30 Mei 2014 | 13.25

  • Sally Satel

    Loosen Restrictions for Therapists to Report Danger

    Sally Satel, American Enterprise Institute

    All states should mandate clinicians to tell officials and relatives if a patient may be a danger, even if there is no clear victim.

  • D.J. Jaffe

    More Treatment, and Openness With Parents

    D.J. Jaffe, Mental Illness Policy.Org

    Parents should know what has been diagnosed and what drugs have been prescribed to make sure treatment isn't ignored.

  • Kevin Nadal

    Act Fast on Mental Health Concerns

    Kevin Nadal, John Jay College of Criminal Justice

    Police officers need better training to deal with people with mental illness and could also deploy mobile crisis units of mental health professionals when concerns arise.

  • Steve Leifman

    Laws Need to Be Updated

    Steve Leifman, judge, Miami-Dade County Court Criminal Division

    Our most important mental health laws are based on legal foundations from the 1700s, which considered dangerousness, but not need for treatment – because no treatment existed at the time.

  • E. Fuller Torrey

    Speak Up More on Red Flags

    E. Fuller Torrey, Treatment Advocacy Center

    Mental health professionals are, as a group, politically liberal and strong defenders of civil liberties, so initiating an action that is likely to curtail a person's civil liberties is contrary to their mindset.

  • Tom Dart

    Communicate With Police Officers

    Tom Dart, Cook County Illinois Sheriff

    There needs to be greater communication and partnership between law enforcement officials and mental health providers to protect the most seriously mentally ill from hurting themselves or others.


  • 13.25 | 0 komentar | Read More

    Room for Debate: Reining In the N.S.A.

    Written By Unknown on Selasa, 27 Mei 2014 | 13.25

  • Nathan A. Sales

    Reform Could Create More Privacy Concerns

    Nathan A. Sales, former Justice Department official

    If phone companies, instead of the government, kept control of records, they may not be as secure.

  • Faiza Patel

    Light Version of Oversight

    Faiza Patel, Brennan Center

    The bill leaves untouched N.S.A. authority to search another vast trove of information: what we say on the phone and write in emails to friends and family abroad.

  • Kate A. Martin

    Secret Last-Minute Changes Broadened Powers

    Kate A. Martin, Center for National Security Studies

    A precise, limited definition of the scope of data collection was replaced with one that is ambiguous and expansive.

  • Stewart Baker

    Limiting N.S.A. Tools Makes Us Less Safe

    Stewart Baker, former Homeland Security Department official

    If the agency identifies a suspect foreign number, it will no longer be able to do a quick search to find who is calling from this country.

  • Khaliah Barnes

    Include the Public in the Debate

    Khaliah Barnes, Electronic Privacy Information Center

    The current bill leaves in place the one-sided proceeding that allows the government to argue for expanded surveillance of Americans without anyone on the other side to make the opposite argument.

  • Gabe Rottman

    A Platform to Build Real Reform

    Gabe Rottman, American Civil Liberties Union

    This is the first time since passage of the Patriot Act that Congress has acted to restrain, rather than expand, foreign intelligence surveillance authority.


  • 13.25 | 0 komentar | Read More

    Opinionator | Draft: Poet vs. Novelist

    Draft is a series about the art and craft of writing.

    The word novel carries for me a weight as ominous, all-consuming and unforgiving as any Job encountered. I was 17 when I decided to write stories as big as cathedrals, overflowing with the kind of memorable and audacious characters Walker Percy, Ernest Hemingway and Saul Bellow created. I stayed up all night, writing description, dialogue, plot curlicues, stories within stories, convinced that anything fewer than 10 pages was wasted time. One wrote the way Thomas Wolfe did, I thought, with fury and hubris, translating everything one read, experienced and felt into glistening, unswerving prose. I didn't need drugs, cigarettes or caffeine; writing was my drug of choice. And the novel was the high point of literary achievement.

    Over the next 20 years I wrote novel after novel, all of which were rejected by publishers. They were about my experiences growing up in a family of Russian-Polish Jewish immigrants and various troubled relationships. But content was never more than an excuse to display my talents over hundreds of pages. I never doubted my talent. If talent was the circus, then I was its ringmaster and audience, applauding its every move. No single book inspired me more than Bellow's "The Adventures of Augie March." The gorgeous onslaught of highbrow thought and febrile emotion was conveyed in a poetry of intense, nonstop filibustering language unlike any I'd ever read before. Who remembered or cared what novels like his were about? Percy's "The Moviegoer" was about a guy who went to movies and fell for his cousin Kate, whom he tried to save. One didn't need much more plot than this. To me Bellow's Augie was about great drive and a love of the English sentence and being a writer at the height of his creative passions. It was about writing a masterpiece.

    In between novels I wrote poems, mostly to console myself for the novels' failures. Mysteriously, all my heartache, worry and grief went into these poems, which felt more like private notes to myself than professional attempts at writing literature. Even more mysteriously, most of them were getting published. I worked hard on them, to be honest, perhaps even harder than on my fiction, paying attention to the heft and balance of each word and idea. With my fiction I focused on chapters and overall conceptions, while in poetry I crawled along in the trenches of each sentence, examining every word for a sign of a deeper significance. Each finished poem felt realized, arrived at directly by way of an inner struggle between whatever emotion had inspired it and the nuanced thought needed to both express and propel its forward movement.

    Was I on some unrealized level granting permission to the poet that the novelist was being denied? In any case, The New Yorker magazine, the place I most wanted my fiction published, started taking my poems when I was 28. When one, "Like Wings," generated a great flurry of letters (including marriage proposals and requests for advice, equaling a record at the magazine, the then poetry editor, Howard Moss, told me), I immediately explained to anyone who dared compliment me that, yes, it was very nice, but just wait till the story I was working on came out. That would be a real record-breaker.

    Finally, in my late 40s, after a new round of rejections, I gave up writing fiction and began to concentrate full time on my poetry. This, after some 30 years of struggle. It was a memorable, if not happy, day.

    I've often suspected that the novelist in me resents everything the poet writes, maybe especially the very desire to write poetry. Claiming such a division of purpose may sound dubious at best, because how can one person harbor envious feelings toward himself? But, as my friends and students all learned soon enough, complimenting one of my poems often meant insulting the failed fiction writer within me, and I suspected that my feelings of accomplishment in poetry were tinged with a noticeable under-taste of nostalgia and regret. It's probably not too surprising that the name of my book of poems that won a Pulitzer Prize in 2008 is "Failure." I thought the subject was my father's business failures but have good cause to think otherwise now.

    Perhaps the more interesting perspective is that of the poet in me toward the novelist. Courteous and cautious, the poet is something of a gentleman in his behavior toward the fiction writer. He tends to be deferential, even encouraging. The fiction writer could be equally successful if he just tried a little harder. The fiction writer, on the other hand, never wanted anything to do with the poet. His sole ambition was conquest and domination.

    In some ways this relationship reminds me of my two sons. It's a complicated relationship born of great love and intense competition. But there, necessity arbitrates a truce of sorts. They need each other on some keenly felt primal level and know it. The novelist can't stand the idea of needing poetry, however much he likes nice-sounding language. Perhaps sharing the same brain is more provocative and internecine than sharing the same DNA and household?

    Twelve years ago, I began work on a long poem about a subject I'd tried dealing with in several novels, my experience while working in a welfare building in San Francisco in 1969. I decided to combine this idea with new material about a pogrom in Poland in which 1,600 Jewish men, women and children were murdered. The many narratives and characters required balancing techniques I'd learned in writing all those failed novels.

    Winning the Pulitzer Prize had ended the rivalry, I thought. The poet in me was triumphant. I was never meant to be a novelist. But when I finally finished the book in the spring of 2013, my editor suggested calling this long poem "a novel in verse." I protested somewhat but finally gave in; both my identities were too exhausted to continue the struggle.

    It's hard not to smile when I hear myself explaining to people that "The Wherewithal" is a poem that uses some novelistic techniques. The novelist seems to be taking all this in his stride. He knows that the poet got the book published, and that the lines are broken into stanzas, not paragraphs. He's even being, well, something of a gentleman about it. Forty-two years is a long time to struggle to do anything. And the poet is more than willing to share credit, if credit is due. In fact, we are on our best behavior. Maybe, after all these years, we're finally learning to cooperate, or at least live like brothers.


    Philip Schultz is a poet whose most recent book is "The Wherewithal, a Novel in Verse."

    A version of this article appears in print on 05/25/2014, on page SR8 of the NewYork edition with the headline: Poet vs. Novelist.
    13.25 | 0 komentar | Read More

    Opinionator | Disunion: A Mysterious Map of Louisiana

    Written By Unknown on Senin, 26 Mei 2014 | 13.26

    Disunion follows the Civil War as it unfolded.

    These days the intersection of cartography and Big Data is all the rage: Using information from the 2010 census, countless news outfits, including The New York Times, have created tools allowing readers to make customized maps of everything from trends in ethnic and racial composition to the dynamics of housing development. Indeed, we have come to expect that any large body of data will be visualized through maps and infographics. Such tools help to transform information into knowledge, and at their best allow us to see patterns that might otherwise be lost.

    But while the technology may be new, the idea of mapping data in the United States can actually be traced to the Civil War. Earlier posts in Disunion have discussed the maps of slavery generated by the United States Coast Survey. At the same time, the Census Office (also part of the Treasury Department) was experimenting with maps of not just one but multiple types of data. These were designed to aid the Union war effort, but perhaps more importantly to plan for Reconstruction.


    One of the most fascinating — and mysterious — of these experiments is an unsigned, undated map of Louisiana, buried within the voluminous war records of the National Archives. The map contains almost no environmental information save for the river systems and a few railroads. Even roads are omitted, truly unusual for any 19th-century map.

    Instead, the emphasis is on parish boundaries, within which are listed free and slave populations alongside data about resources, from swine to ginned cotton. While this population data would have been available as early as 1862, the agricultural data was only published in 1864. With this information, officers and administrators moving through the state could locate the richest parishes, the largest sources of labor and the easiest means of river and rail transportation. (Oddly, the map does not list the output from over 1,500 sugar plantations located along the lower Mississippi River.)

    The Census Office was experimenting with this type of map throughout the war. At the request of Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman, for instance, the superintendent of the census annotated a previously printed map of Georgia with information on livestock and crop yields as the former embarked on his ambitious march in the fall of 1864 deep into enemy territory. But Louisiana presented an entirely different — though equally unprecedented — challenge to the Union Army: how to control and administer a conquered region where nearly half the population was no longer strictly enslaved, but which was largely exempt from the Emancipation Proclamation.

    The quandary began in April 1862, when Adm. David Farragut captured New Orleans. Soon after, President Lincoln appointed Gen. Benjamin Butler as commander of the gulf. Lincoln hoped to cultivate Unionist sentiment in New Orleans, and thereby lure Louisiana out of the Confederacy. But Butler's rigid policies and questionable confiscation of cotton alienated many in New Orleans and the parishes beyond, even though his military quarantine effectively ended the murderous yellow fever epidemic that had ravaged the city for decades.

    Butler's tenure was brief, and by the end of 1862 Lincoln had replaced him with the former governor of Massachusetts, Maj. Gen. Nathaniel P. Banks. As commander of the gulf, Banks's military charge was to expand the realm of Union control into Texas and up the Mississippi. But equally complex was the political task of governing an area under Union occupation. In 1860 Louisiana had a population of 600,000, slightly more than half of whom were white. Yet in some of the parishes with large plantations, blacks far outnumbered whites, especially after the war took men of military age to the Confederate Army. The Confiscation Act of March 1862 prohibited Union soldiers from returning slaves to their masters, and thereby the very presence of the Army disrupted slavery. But without any clear mandate for emancipation, many of the conditions of slavery remained. Louisiana was in limbo.

    Thus Banks faced the problem of rebuilding an immensely fertile region with a profoundly unstable (and still unfree) labor system. That's where the map came in, for it allowed Banks to see the general economic capacity of the state. While such data would have been available to anyone with access to the published records of the 1860 census (published in 1862), to see such information organized geographically enabled Banks to think strategically about managing the population, its chief crop and its food supply.

    Related
    Disunion Highlights

    Fort Sumter

    Explore multimedia from the series and navigate through past posts, as well as photos and articles from the Times archive.

    Banks's system of labor contracts drew intense criticism from all sides, including freedmen, former plantation owners and especially antislavery Republicans in the Union. Historians have also judged it harshly for its repressive techniques, which reflected a desire to control the black population and keep plantations functioning. At the height of its operation in 1864, Banks's system of labor contracts involved 50,000 laborers on 1,500 estates. And in part because of his labor policies, the state's agricultural production grew significantly in 1863. In this situation, Banks probably used the map to measure the strength and resources of individual parishes. The map probably also aided Banks as he began to conscript blacks (sometimes forcibly) into the Army. By the end of 1864 he had organized more than 28 regiments, which meant that Louisiana contributed more black soldiers to the Union Army than any other state.

    In these various ways, the map measured the population and its resources. In this respect the map anticipates the extensive Federal mapping efforts of the Census after the war; by the twentieth century, such cartographic and statistical tools of governance had become routine .

    The map probably also aided Banks in his project of conscripting blacks (sometimes forcibly) into the Army: By the end of 1864 he had organized more than 28 regiments of black troops, more than any other commander in the Union Army. In both the management of labor and soldiers, the map enabled Banks to govern and control by seeing the aggregate strength and composition of the population and its resources. In this respect the map anticipated the extensive federal mapping efforts of the census in postwar decades; today we live with such tools as a matter of course.

    In the summer of 1864, Louisiana designed a new state constitution that abolished slavery. Thereafter, in some respects, the map was immediately outdated, and in fact it may be one of the last maps that used the term "slave." Yet while such a category was crumbling throughout 1864, the conditions of true freedom lay far in the future, and in fact Banks' strict efforts to regulate the movement of African-Americans laid the groundwork for the punitive black codes of the early Reconstruction period. After all, his primary goal was to control the population, and in this respect the map was no mystery at all, but the result of the logic of war.

    Map courtesy of the National Archives and Records Administration in College Park, Maryland.

    Follow Disunion at twitter.com/NYTcivilwar or join us on Facebook.


    Susan Schulten is a history professor at the University of Denver and the author of "The Geographical Imagination in America, 1880-1950" and "Mapping the Nation: History and Cartography in Nineteenth-Century America."


    13.26 | 0 komentar | Read More

    Opinionator | Draft: Poet vs. Novelist

    Written By Unknown on Minggu, 25 Mei 2014 | 13.25

    Draft is a series about the art and craft of writing.

    The word novel carries for me a weight as ominous, all-consuming and unforgiving as any Job encountered. I was 17 when I decided to write stories as big as cathedrals, overflowing with the kind of memorable and audacious characters Walker Percy, Ernest Hemingway and Saul Bellow created. I stayed up all night, writing description, dialogue, plot curlicues, stories within stories, convinced that anything fewer than 10 pages was wasted time. One wrote the way Thomas Wolfe did, I thought, with fury and hubris, translating everything one read, experienced and felt into glistening, unswerving prose. I didn't need drugs, cigarettes or caffeine; writing was my drug of choice. And the novel was the high point of literary achievement.

    Over the next 20 years I wrote novel after novel, all of which were rejected by publishers. They were about my experiences growing up in a family of Russian-Polish Jewish immigrants and various troubled relationships. But content was never more than an excuse to display my talents over hundreds of pages. I never doubted my talent. If talent was the circus, then I was its ringmaster and audience, applauding its every move. No single book inspired me more than Bellow's "The Adventures of Augie March." The gorgeous onslaught of highbrow thought and febrile emotion was conveyed in a poetry of intense, nonstop filibustering language unlike any I'd ever read before. Who remembered or cared what novels like his were about? Percy's "The Moviegoer" was about a guy who went to movies and fell for his cousin Kate, whom he tried to save. One didn't need much more plot than this. To me Bellow's Augie was about great drive and a love of the English sentence and being a writer at the height of his creative passions. It was about writing a masterpiece.

    In between novels I wrote poems, mostly to console myself for the novels' failures. Mysteriously, all my heartache, worry and grief went into these poems, which felt more like private notes to myself than professional attempts at writing literature. Even more mysteriously, most of them were getting published. I worked hard on them, to be honest, perhaps even harder than on my fiction, paying attention to the heft and balance of each word and idea. With my fiction I focused on chapters and overall conceptions, while in poetry I crawled along in the trenches of each sentence, examining every word for a sign of a deeper significance. Each finished poem felt realized, arrived at directly by way of an inner struggle between whatever emotion had inspired it and the nuanced thought needed to both express and propel its forward movement.

    Was I on some unrealized level granting permission to the poet that the novelist was being denied? In any case, The New Yorker magazine, the place I most wanted my fiction published, started taking my poems when I was 28. When one, "Like Wings," generated a great flurry of letters (including marriage proposals and requests for advice, equaling a record at the magazine, the then poetry editor, Howard Moss, told me), I immediately explained to anyone who dared compliment me that, yes, it was very nice, but just wait till the story I was working on came out. That would be a real record-breaker.

    Finally, in my late 40s, after a new round of rejections, I gave up writing fiction and began to concentrate full time on my poetry. This, after some 30 years of struggle. It was a memorable, if not happy, day.

    I've often suspected that the novelist in me resents everything the poet writes, maybe especially the very desire to write poetry. Claiming such a division of purpose may sound dubious at best, because how can one person harbor envious feelings toward himself? But, as my friends and students all learned soon enough, complimenting one of my poems often meant insulting the failed fiction writer within me, and I suspected that my feelings of accomplishment in poetry were tinged with a noticeable under-taste of nostalgia and regret. It's probably not too surprising that the name of my book of poems that won a Pulitzer Prize in 2008 is "Failure." I thought the subject was my father's business failures but have good cause to think otherwise now.

    Perhaps the more interesting perspective is that of the poet in me toward the novelist. Courteous and cautious, the poet is something of a gentleman in his behavior toward the fiction writer. He tends to be deferential, even encouraging. The fiction writer could be equally successful if he just tried a little harder. The fiction writer, on the other hand, never wanted anything to do with the poet. His sole ambition was conquest and domination.

    In some ways this relationship reminds me of my two sons. It's a complicated relationship born of great love and intense competition. But there, necessity arbitrates a truce of sorts. They need each other on some keenly felt primal level and know it. The novelist can't stand the idea of needing poetry, however much he likes nice-sounding language. Perhaps sharing the same brain is more provocative and internecine than sharing the same DNA and household?

    Twelve years ago, I began work on a long poem about a subject I'd tried dealing with in several novels, my experience while working in a welfare building in San Francisco in 1969. I decided to combine this idea with new material about a pogrom in Poland in which 1,600 Jewish men, women and children were murdered. The many narratives and characters required balancing techniques I'd learned in writing all those failed novels.

    Winning the Pulitzer Prize had ended the rivalry, I thought. The poet in me was triumphant. I was never meant to be a novelist. But when I finally finished the book in the spring of 2013, my editor suggested calling this long poem "a novel in verse." I protested somewhat but finally gave in; both my identities were too exhausted to continue the struggle.

    It's hard not to smile when I hear myself explaining to people that "The Wherewithal" is a poem that uses some novelistic techniques. The novelist seems to be taking all this in his stride. He knows that the poet got the book published, and that the lines are broken into stanzas, not paragraphs. He's even being, well, something of a gentleman about it. Forty-two years is a long time to struggle to do anything. And the poet is more than willing to share credit, if credit is due. In fact, we are on our best behavior. Maybe, after all these years, we're finally learning to cooperate, or at least live like brothers.


    Philip Schultz is a poet whose most recent book is "The Wherewithal, a Novel in Verse."


    13.25 | 0 komentar | Read More

    Taking Note: The Thai Army Repeats History

    Written By Unknown on Jumat, 23 Mei 2014 | 13.26

    On Tuesday, the Thai military imposed martial law on the country and insisted it was not staging a coup. On Thursday, the army dispensed with these niceties and took power, overthrowing a government that has been besieged by street protests since late last year.

    The head of the army, Gen. Prayuth Chan-ocha, said he had to take power "in order to bring the situation back to normal quickly." There is no question that Thailand has been unsettled for months – violence involving pro- and anti-government protestors has killed at least 25 people in the last six months. But anyone who has followed Thai history should know that military rule is not the answer to the country's problems.

    In 2010, it used force to disperse protestors from the "red shirt" movement that supports Thaksin Shinawatra, a former prime minister who lives outside the country, from the streets of Bangkok, killing about 90 people. And in 1992, when I was living in the country, a military government cracked down on Thais calling for a restoration of democracy, killing about 50 people in what came to be known as "Black May." Many more disappeared and were never accounted for.

    Mr. Prayuth does not appear interested in the lessons of history, but he does have big ambitions. In a televised address flanked by senior military officers, he said that the military would "reform the political structure, the economy and the society." But he offered no details about what a new Thailand would look like or how long it would take the military to remake the country — something it has already attempted to various degrees in the course of about a dozen coups.

    Thailand is a treaty ally of the United States and has been an important force for stability in Southeast Asia. On Thursday, the secretary of state, John Kerry, issued a blunt statement. "There is no justification for this military coup," he said. "While we value our long friendship with the Thai people," the statement went on, "this act will have negative implications for the U.S.–Thai relationship, especially for our relationship with the Thai military."

    In the past the Thai army has made political crises worse, not better, and there's no reason to think this coup will be any different.


    13.26 | 0 komentar | Read More

    Opinionator | Private Lives: The Grandchildren of Divorce

    Written By Unknown on Kamis, 22 Mei 2014 | 13.25

    Private Lives: Personal essays on the news of the world and the news of our lives.

    BOLINAS, CALIF. — Two years ago, my mother called.

    "Let me talk to my granddaughter," she said. I handed the baby the phone, and they gurgled at each other. When I picked up again she told me that, after 45 years of marriage to my father, she had hired a divorce lawyer.

    This wasn't so much a shock as a deep, glacial shift. My father, a doctor, has long battled addiction. He is a loving man, hilarious on some days, but frightening on others. And my mother loved him, too much to walk away. We all did. So we lived with the storms and waited them out. This resulted less in visible scarring than in a sort of wry emotional stoicism that has become our family stamp.

    But during my mid-20s, my daughterly role morphed from protected vessel of innocence to sought-after confidante from whom nothing — nothing! — was withheld. I listened as my mother divulged increasingly alarming stories. Still, it was obvious to me the split would never really happen. Come on, I thought. Let's stop kidding ourselves. We're all old now.

    Then, at the age of 72, Mom reached a threshold. As much as she hated to do it, she finally had to free herself.

    There is something decidedly disorienting about becoming a child of divorce at 40. For one thing, my brother and I are extravagantly late to the party. During the first wave of divorces among my parents' group when I was 8 or 9, I pined for the family breakup. It wasn't that I was terribly miserable. (Moderately, maybe.) The real draw was that the attention seemed glamorous. Today, my daughter's father and I totter after her with snacks and books, catering to her every emotional need. This was not the style when I was a kid. Mom and Dad were wonderful parents, yet my brother and I were largely along for the ride on their social train, sometimes getting accidentally mislaid in airports and at house parties. It wasn't negligence; it was just the way it was for their set in the early '80s. To have your mother and father fight for you in court, now that seemed cool.

    And the guilt presents! As my girlfriends with divorced parents got older, the spoils became more desirable. Bags of new clothing from Esprit. Tickets to unchaperoned Jefferson Starship concerts. I remember one of my friends receiving a new Honda wrapped in a bow. And certainly there was nowhere sexier to be in eighth grade than at a sleepover in a friend's divorced-dad condo, where the "Porky's" movies looped unchecked, and for breakfast one might be served pizza and warm New Coke.

    At 40, for me my parents' separation draws no pity slumber parties, no new cars. Blank stares are usually what I get when I drop the sad news. Though it rarely comes up. Why would it? There are no arrangements to make to pick me up from dance class, no birthday parties to choreograph.

    What does it mean, when your parents split apart after you yourself have lived half of your life? For one thing, there isn't a shred of innocence left. I know exactly what my mother and father are losing, because I've known these people for four decades. I've witnessed their stubborn affection for each other; I'm old enough to get their private jokes. If I were younger, perhaps I could trick myself into imagining a cute "Parent Trap" situation, but my middle-aged mind knows reconciliation is not possible, not after almost half a century of two people struggling with a disease no one beats. Certainly, I am less shattered than I would have been as a kid. But I am sadder, too.

    And then there is the new chill that has permeated my own household. I'm in a happy relationship that I can't imagine wanting to leave. But will the statistics about children of divorce suddenly apply to me, now that I'm the product of a broken home?

    It's important to note that it's been two years, and the papers have not been signed. My mother is a very determined person, and I think she still believes she can, even now, will my father into health and take him along on one of her birding cruises. But the separation has happened, residences have changed. For this reason, I recently poured out large respective glasses of wine and milk, then sat down with my daughter, now 4, to clear it all up.

    "Mommy's mommy and Mommy's daddy don't live together anymore, " I told her.

    She blinked at me. I took out some crayons and drew her a picture. The yellow house is Grandpa's house. The white house, Grandma's.

    "Who gets the toys?" she asked. It was a good question, one my brother and I have been idly wondering ourselves. Where are the toys? Are there even any left?

    "Everybody," I lied.

    "Who gets me?" she asked.

    "Everybody." This is the truth. Since this new family arrangement, she has been in hot demand. Constant phone calls, Skyping sessions twice a week.

    She considered this. "That sounds fun," she said.

    And then I saw it all happening. She would be the one to get the clothes, the trips to Disney World, the New Coke. I could almost hear the tagline. Grandchildren of divorce: All of the spoils, none of the pain. It's kind of nice to imagine, isn't it? Someone, after all these years, might finally get to win.


    Katie Crouch is the author of the forthcoming novel "Abroad."


    13.25 | 0 komentar | Read More

    Room for Debate: Did the Bank Bailout Do Enough for the Country?

    Written By Unknown on Rabu, 21 Mei 2014 | 13.25

  • Amir Sufi

    Housing Crisis Was Overlooked

    Amir Sufi, Univesity of Chicago

    Letting bankruptcy judges write down mortgages and providing an ambitious mortgage refinancing plan would have reduced foreclosures.

  • Lee Sachs

    Our System Is Safer and More Stable

    Lee Sachs, Former counselor to the treasury secretary

    Radical reshaping should not be an objective for its own sake. Rescue efforts and reforms protected consumers, taxpayers and the flow of credit.

  • Dean Baker

    Better No Bailout, Than the One We Got

    Dean Baker, Center for Economic and Policy Research

    Banks weren't forced to shrink and get boring. If they were allowed to fail, federal spending could have kept the economy afloat and led to recovery.

  • Anat R. Admati

    Too Much Debt and Not Enough Equity

    Anat R. Admati, Stanford University

    Tougher requirements would have prevented banks from hiding their true losses, and loosened credit for businesses and individuals.

  • Edward Harrison

    More Focus Is Needed on Deep Economic Flaws

    Edward Harrison, Credit Writedowns

    Until we address stagnant income, high household debt, insufficient bank capital and excessive risk, another crisis may be inevitable.

  • Glenn Hubbard

    Too Narrow a Focus on Banks

    Glenn Hubbard, Columbia University

    There was little discussion of financial institutions other than banks and government institutions, which helped spread contagion.


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    Room for Debate: Tongue-Tied on Campus

    Written By Unknown on Selasa, 20 Mei 2014 | 13.25

    This spring, universities across the United States have fielded requests from students for "trigger warnings" to accompany certain books, films, lectures and works of art that they deem troubling. And more recently, several colleges have found themselves dealing with protests from students outraged by their institutions' choice of graduation speaker, and thus recipients of honorary degrees.

    Are conservative and liberal orthodoxy stifling thought on college campuses?

    Read the Discussion »
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