DOES the re-election of the first black president mean the Voting Rights Act of 1965 is unnecessary and perhaps unconstitutional? The
The central question in the constitutional debate is whether times have changed enough in the nearly five decades since the act's passage to suggest that the law has outlived its usefulness. The unprecedented flexing of racial minorities' political muscle on Nov. 6 does make it clear how much times have changed. But a campaign marred by charges of voter suppression and Election Day mishaps also makes the need for federal protection of voting rights clearer than ever.
Who Votes?
A series about the complexities of voters and voting.
The case before the court, coming out of Shelby County,
Unless a covered jurisdiction gets itself out from under the act by showing a clean voting rights record for the previous decade, it will be required to seek federal permission for all its voting laws until the law is set to expire in 2031.
The Supreme Court has reaffirmed the constitutionality of Section 5 four times. Congress re-enacted it in 2006 with tremendous bipartisan support. But times have changed at the court. Specifically, the constitutional standard for enforcing civil rights has become more restrictive, requiring such laws to be proportional to the constitutional evil they seek to prevent or remedy. As a result, the court has struck down or narrowed the Religious Freedom Restoration Act, the Americans With Disabilities Act and the Age Discrimination in Employment Act.
Relying on this restrictive standard, challengers to the act argue, with some reason, that the list of covered jurisdictions no longer resembles the "America's Most Wanted" of voting-rights violators that it did in 1965. In recent years we have witnessed one electoral dysfunction after another in jurisdictions not covered by the act, like
In a coarse and obvious sense, the re-election of a black president serves as a strong reminder that the historic obstacles to minority voting rights like literacy tests and poll
President Obama's re-election, or the circumstances of any presidential race, should be irrelevant to the constitutional question of whether Congress can require certain states to get federal permission for their voting laws. The differences between the average school-board election and a high-profile presidential race are huge. But had
Defenders of the Voting Rights Act have gained some ammunition from this election, despite the high-water mark it achieved for minority political participation. They will point to the voting laws and redistricting plans like those passed in Texas last year that the act prevented from going into effect as examples of Section 5's continuing utility. Indeed, since 2005, seven of the nine states fully covered by the act — Alabama,
Civil rights groups and election reformers should begin preparing now for the likelihood that the court will strike down the Voting Rights Act. In a Texas case three years ago, the court warned that the act was living on borrowed time, and by the end of this Supreme Court term, that time may run out.
We saw in this election, as in every one since the debacle in 2000, the system's potential for a full breakdown. On election night, Mr. Obama mentioned the need to do something, at a minimum, to address the unbearably long wait times that greeted some voters. But the reforms should not stop there.
Congress needs to enact national rules governing voter registration, provisional and absentee ballots, and voter verification and access in a new Voting Rights Act tailored to the problems confronting American democracy today. The Voting Rights Act may have killed off historic barriers to minority political participation, but new challenges emerge with each election cycle.
Nathaniel Persily is a professor of law and political science at Columbia.
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